In the past year, Bangladesh’s Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) has taken an unprecedented step forward, launching 768 investigations and filing 399 cases involving more than 1,000 influential figures. These include former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, members of her family, cabinet officials, lawmakers and high-ranking business leaders. The charges range from embezzlement and abuse of power to large-scale money laundering and illicit overseas property acquisitions. These efforts, while long overdue, underscore a crucial truth: the ACC can act decisively, but only when it is not beholden to those in power.
The ACC’s recent activity began following the collapse of the Awami League government in the mass uprising of August 5, 2024. The change in political leadership allowed the institution to operate without interference, launching cases against powerful individuals who were once considered untouchable. Among the assets seized are approximately $850 million in domestic and international properties. These include 580 homes linked to former land minister Saifuzzaman Chowdhury, with 343 in the United Kingdom, 228 in the United Arab Emirates and nine in the United States.
This progress also highlights a troubling pattern. The ACC only acts with vigor when political constraints are lifted. According to Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) Executive Director Iftekharuzzaman, “ACC is not active if the political government is in power, we have to get out of that culture.”
Past failures under political control
Despite being a theoretically independent body, the ACC has often been accused of functioning as a tool of the ruling regime. Whistleblowers and former officials have acknowledged that investigations in previous years were often delayed or halted entirely unless sanctioned by those in power. Even when credible evidence emerged, such as media reports or watchdog alerts, many cases were not pursued. In some instances, perpetrators were allegedly given impunity despite clear documentation of financial misconduct.
These systemic failures are reflected in Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI). Over the past 10 years, Bangladesh’s CPI score has stagnated or worsened. In 2014, the country scored 25 out of 100, ranking 145th globally. In 2024, it stood at 24, ranked 149th out of 180 countries. This decade-long decline reinforces public perception that Bangladesh’s anti-corruption efforts have been largely ineffective, especially during times when the ACC lacked operational freedom.
The ACC’s potential if allowed to function independently
The recent surge in activity demonstrates what the ACC can accomplish when insulated from political influence. In just one year, the commission filed 321 charge sheets, more than 80 percent of the cases it initiated. High-profile cases include allegations of illegal land allotments involving Sheikh Hasina’s family, money laundering tied to development projects and the alleged smuggling of $300 million to offshore accounts in the Cayman Islands by her son, Sajib Wazed Joy.
The ACC has also moved to freeze assets both inside Bangladesh and abroad. Courts have issued 74 orders for seizures totaling more than $850 million in value. The commission is cooperating with international agencies, including the United Kingdom’s National Crime Agency, to locate and recover illicitly acquired assets.
Such actions are possible because the current interim administration is allowing the ACC to function autonomously. However, this momentum may stall if another politically motivated government regains control and restricts the commission’s work.
A path forward: Institutionalizing independence
For Bangladesh to truly root out systemic corruption, the ACC must be transformed into a body that is permanently and legally shielded from political interference. Several measures could help:
- Legal reforms to guarantee independence: Amend the ACC Act to ensure that commissioners are appointed through a nonpartisan, parliamentary selection committee. Terms should be fixed and staggered to avoid alignment with electoral cycles.
- Financial autonomy: Secure budget allocations directly from parliament rather than through the executive branch to prevent financial manipulation.
- Oversight mechanisms: Establish a multi-stakeholder oversight board with representatives from civil society, the judiciary and international anti-corruption watchdogs to monitor the ACC’s activities.
- Whistleblower protections: Strengthen laws that protect informants and internal investigators from retaliation.
- Public accountability: Require the ACC to publish quarterly reports detailing investigations, prosecutions and asset recoveries, allowing for greater transparency.
- International cooperation: Expand formal agreements with foreign governments and financial intelligence units to expedite the tracing and repatriation of stolen assets.
- Training and resources: Provide technical training for investigators and prosecutors to strengthen the evidentiary process and avoid errors that can derail court proceedings.
The ACC’s current assertiveness provides a glimpse into what is possible when anti-corruption institutions are free from political influence. But unless this window of opportunity is used to institute lasting reforms, Bangladesh risks returning to a status quo in which justice is selective and corruption goes unpunished.
The people of Bangladesh have a rare opportunity to demand the establishment of a truly independent Anti-Corruption Commission — one that serves the nation, not its rulers. The fight against corruption is not a political issue. It is a moral and national imperative.